Discussion
We designed this trial in response to endemic poor dietary quality indicators among rural, indigenous Maya children in Guatemala.9 11–13 In particular, we hypothesised that given the agricultural lifestyle of the population and the local availability (but underutilization) of many high-quality foods, an individualised complementary feeding intervention might empower caregivers to better utilise available resources, when compared with the local standard of care of including generic, non-tailored feeding recommendations. Our hypothesis was well supported by the finding that key complementary feeding outcomes, including dietary diversity and overall dietary adequacy (table 3) improved in the intervention arm. This improvement in the intervention arm occurred not only for food groups included in the standard food ration for both study arms (legumes and eggs) but also for non-supplemented food groups (vitamin A rich fruits and vegetables).
Despite improvement in dietary outcomes, we observed only a non-significant trend towards improved linear growth in the intervention arm (table 2). There are several possible explanations. First, given that our intervention and follow-up were necessarily limited to 6 months by the trial’s pragmatic incorporation within an existing nutrition infrastructure,13 changes in linear growth may have lagged observed improvements in diet. Second, the study was based on existing local priorities at the participating institution and therefore only enrolled subjects with a LAZ/HAZ of less than or equal to −2.5 SD. As such, the intervention impact may have been lower than in a less growth-restricted cohort. Third, the mean age at enrolment was around 15 months, relatively late for many children given the critical ‘First Thousand Days’ window from conception through 2 years of age, and the fact that prior studies from Guatemala demonstrate very early onset of stunting, including often at birth.22 23 However, as a complementary feeding intervention, only children older than 6 months could be engaged here at the time of feeding initiation. In addition, the increasing prevalence of more severe stunting in our cohort over 2 years of life, as also documented elsewhere,24 meant that proportionately more older children were enrolled.
Another important explanation is related to the delivery of interventions for the usual care arm. As we planned the trial, usual care was intended to be delivered by an existing public sector rural outreach programme. However, allegations of corruption within this programme led to its closure before our trial began.25 Therefore, our institutional partner (MHA) leadership and CHWs agreed to also implement the usual care arm. Since MHA conducts all activities using home visits (rather than the public-sector facility-based approach), the quality of ‘usual care’ we observed may have been greater than anticipated, leading to less than expected growth faltering in the control arm, obscuring the difference between study arms.
Our study has several additional limitations. First, dietary indicators were measured using dietary recall, a method prone to performance improvement with retesting. In addition to the randomised design, we took some measures to mitigate this, including blinding staff performing the recall to subject’s allocation. At the same time, although complementary feeding indicators—especially dietary diversity—are strong predictors of stunting in many studies, recently some investigators have questioned the predictive value of dietary diversity as a binary indicator, within the context of a limited 24 hours dietary recall such as we performed.26–29
Second, we monitored adherence to study visits and distribution of elements of usual care (micronutrients, food rations), but we did not directly assess consumption. The WHO dietary recall method we utilised enumerates meal frequency and number of food groups consumed per day, but it does not permit quantification of subject-level energy, protein and micronutrient intake.17 Additionally, our study was performed in a rural indigenous context in Guatemala, with some of the highest rates of stunting and dietary insufficiency in the world; the results may not be generalisable to other cultural contexts or to populations with different background rates of food insecurity or stunting. Furthermore, although loss to follow-up was minimal, subjects lost to follow-up had significantly different LAZ/HAZ and WLZ/WHZ at baseline than those who completed the study which may have biased our analysis. Finally, the individual counselling model evaluated here is resource intensive and may not be feasible at scale depending on locally available resources.
Despite these limitations, the study provides proof-of-concept that frontline CHWs in a low-resource setting can deliver a complex, individualised nutrition education intervention to caregivers, resulting in significant improvements to their children’s dietary quality, as compared with usual complementary feeding education activities. Our study contributes to the literature on complementary feeding education interventions in low-income and middle-income countries, where it remains a cornerstone of stunting prevention and treatment efforts.3–5 From the perspective of a self-efficacy theory of behaviour change, an individualised approach to caregiver education may better engage the caregiver in problem-solving and creative resource utilisation, leading to more effective behaviour change and improved feeding practices.30 In fact, in higher-income settings, individualised assessments and caregiver counselling for children with undernutrition have long been the standard of care.31 32
Additionally, the finding from our exploratory analysis that dietary diversity improved most significantly in younger age groups broadly supports the First Thousand Days policy framework for addressing chronic early child malnutrition, which emphasises that earlier interventions have greater impact.33–35 Furthermore, the finding that individualised education improved consumption of supplemented foods (legumes and eggs) in the intervention arm suggests that the impact of food rations, which are a widely used global strategy to combat child food insecurity, can be improved through enhanced caregiver education. The trend towards improved egg consumption is especially interesting, given another recent publication showing their importance for complementary feeding interventions.36 Finally, the intervention also improved intake of vitamin A-rich foods, which were not supplemented, suggesting that the enhanced education also acted independently of food supplementation to improve utilisation of local food resources by caregivers. No improvement in the consumption of foods that are not typically available due to cost and which were not supplemented in the ration (dairy, flesh foods) is also consistent with this conclusion.
To our knowledge, this is the first report of such an individualised programme or of the programmatic use of dietary recall instruments by CHW in a low-resource setting. Currently, our group is planning re-enrolment of this study cohort to see if a growth benefit emerges with longer follow-up. Other research priorities include examining the impact of longer-duration interventions and expanding the intervention to stunting prevention programmes.