Introduction
Public health measures implemented during the COVID-19 pandemic had—and continue to have—dramatic consequences for children and adolescents. Decreased in-person social contact, isolation and increased screen time through home schooling are just some of the many ways that young people’s everyday lives were affected, regardless of whether or not they were infected.1
Given that the medical risks of COVID-19 for most young people are low, the most significant and widespread risks of the pandemic for this age group, therefore, arose as a result of public health measures themselves. Thus, one major challenge during the pandemic was to mitigate tensions between the negative effects of public health measures on children and adolescents specifically and (high) medical risks for other demographic groups if such measures were not implemented. This consideration is critical because childhood and adolescence are important and potentially vulnerable periods of sociocognitive development.2 3 Investing in children’s health is critical not only for individual flourishing but also to ensure beneficial development of whole societies, as highlighted by the WHO-UNICEF-Lancet commission ‘A future for the world’s children’.3
Yet early in the pandemic, policy-makers did not give sufficient weight to children’s rights, and children had no feasible opportunities to raise possible concerns regarding public health measures. Moreover, healthcare researchers investigating COVID-19 did not adequately consider children’s and adolescents’ experiences.4 As a result, young people’s perspectives on public health measures that directly and significantly affected them were neglected. To address this, Jörgensen et al suggested adding the pillars ‘preparation (for future child health crisis)’ and ‘power (authority of children’s voices, which requires meaningful participation)’5 to the existing 3P-Network (provision, protection and participation), anchored in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.6
Although the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic is formally over, considering children’s opinions on public health measures continues to be important. The frequency of pandemics has increased over the past century7 and estimates for the lifetime risk of another pandemic range from 17% to 44%.8 Consequently, we need to prepare for future situations where tensions arise between the need to prevent the spread of infection and the desire to avoid subjecting children to mandatory public health measures. Data on perspectives from children themselves could yield new insights into how policy-makers, public health authorities, schools and researchers could better balance such considerations.
Here, we present data on children’s perspectives regarding mandatory SARS-CoV-2 testing in schools. In Germany, schools were fully or partially closed for 38 weeks in total9 (although evidence on the efficacy of school closures is equivocal10). To mitigate the risks of reopening schools, many governments required children to undergo regular SARS-CoV-2 testing.
Although the medical risks of testing in schools were low, little is known about how children perceived this testing. Children’s experience of being subjected to mandatory testing could influence their views and behaviour regarding other public health measures, both now and in the future, particularly if their experiences were negative. People’s thoughts and feelings play a critical role in their acceptance of public health measures11 and low trust in such measures is associated with low compliance.12 Although there was, overall, high acceptance of public health measures during the pandemic,13 most data are from adults. Regarding SARS-CoV-2 testing, in particular, limited data from adults show high acceptance.14–17 A large Norwegian cross-sectional study showed high compliance, especially among secondary school students. Regular testing in the aforementioned study was voluntary.18 Other than that, data on acceptance of routine testing in asymptomatic children are scarce and with small cohorts.19–21
In line with Jörgensen et al’s pillars ‘power’ and ‘preparation’,5 our study aims to close this knowledge gap by investigating children’s appraisals of routine SARS-CoV-2 testing in schools. We sought to address the following questions:
How do children appraise two different routine SARS-CoV-2 test types (rapid antigen tests and pooled PCR tests)? What are the effects of demographic factors? What emotions do children associate with the two different SARS-CoV-2 test types?
What is the relationship between test ratings and SARS-CoV-2 vaccine hesitancy?
How do test ratings relate to mental health difficulties, pandemic-related stress/difficulties and health-related quality of life?